(a) Rio Summit is the meeting held in 1992.it is done for various purposes like alleviation of poverty, hunger,illiteracy world wide.it is done for sustainable development .following things should be done under this : 1. use of renewable resources in the place of non renewable resource 2. use of 3rs principle reduce,reuse,recycle.3.it should be linked with overall development plans.(d) The provision enumerates Fundamental Duties, which although unenforceable in the courts of law are still useful in judicial construction of such legal provisions that admit of two constructions. There are 11 clauses from (a) to (k) in Article 51A. Till 2002, there were 10 fundamental duties but then by 86th Constitution Amendment, 2002 clause (k) was added. The newly added provision deals with the duty of a guardian or parent to provide the education to his child from 6 years of age till the time he or she turns 14. Though fundamental rights are available to non-citizens also the Fundamental Duties are strictly for the citizens. The provision regarding Fundamental Rights expresses the Constitutional vision of how the citizens of this country should conduct themselves in order to achieve the objectives that we collectively committed ourselves to.

The social sciences include many concepts that are basic to the understanding of the subject matter. Some of these concepts are defined differently and measured differently by social researchers, such as those concerning socioeconomic status. Others are defined and measured in a fairly consistent way across studies and over time. These latter concepts usually follow previous usages either because of research tradition or because of limitations in the collection of data, race perhaps being an example.The family is generally recognized as an element of a broader kinship network that links ancestors and descendants of a person. Most published statistics on the family are based on census or household survey questions and responses. In the United States (and, for the most part, throughout the world), the "family" is defined in censuses and surveys as two or more persons related by blood, marriage, or adoption, AND living in the same residence (Fields and Casper 2001). The first part of the definition excludes non-marital cohabitation but can include extended as well as nuclear family members. However, the second part of the definition severely restricts family composition by limiting the family members to those who share living facilities under the same roof (Glick 1957). This standard definition is basically an accommodation to requirements of data collection in censuses and surveys in which identifying population in geographic contexts down to the separate dwelling unit is necessary. Moreover, the questions needed to identify non-residential family members would be burdensome and the information costly to obtain.

Persons who might be considered part of a family but do not reside at the same residential address are not included in demographic data. They may be part of a family at another address or they may be living alone or in group quarters (housing for a substantial number of unrelated individuals). This is the case even if such persons live close by (maybe even next door) and/or visit or otherwise regularly communicate (by phone or mail) with their family of origin. Additionally, because of census and survey residence rules, college students living in a college community and some long-term workers at remote places are excluded from the family group even if their intention is to return to the family's residence after school or work is completed. In other words, the family definition is controlled by the household definition, where households describe current or potential housing markets.

In fact, some persons who meet the standard demographic definition of the family and are included may have little association with other family members in the same residence. For example, they may have different schedules of sleep, work, or other activities, and they may not communicate by phone or mail. Their inclusion in the family is pro forma and based only on the given family definition. These facts raise questions about the boundaries of the standard demographic definition of the family and its consequences for interpretations of how family structure might be changing over time.

The Genealogical Approach

Genealogy is the study of family structural history, drawing basically on demographic data sources such as censuses, birth and death certificates, immigration records, and other administrative records. The aim of genealogical research is to construct a family tree of ancestors and dependents of a key person (Smith and Mineau 2003). The tree can be limited in its extension to cousins and other persons remotely related, but typically the attempt is to be inclusive of related kin. Some genealogists prefer the term "family history" to "genealogy" because the latter term implies a genetic connection that may not be real because of questionable paternity and because it would not apply to adoptive persons.

Many types of information can be included in family trees, but the pattern of relationships is not dependent on residential locations. Residence can be one item of information for each individual in the tree, along with such items as dates of birth and death, place of birth, occupation, and other personal markers. One can examine a family tree and extract a family structure using a variety of family definitions, based on how extensive one wishes to consider the family (Finnegan and Drake 1994). Family trees typically distinguish between living and dead members of the family, so that several family definitions can be applied to only living members. In this sense, the genealogical approach to looking at family structure provides for a broader range of family forms than is possible from the demographic approach. Thus, one can describe a couple and their offspring, living together or not; a multi-generation family, living together or not; as well as extended family groupings.

Genealogies have not been incorporated into family research very much. Smith (1987) indicates that obtaining any type of kin count or structure (and, by implication, residence-based families) "is often difficult or impossible …. Genealogical research, even when done with the aid of computers, is labour- intensive and requires extensive archival data." The use of genealogies in demographic research has been heavily oriented to estimating population size, as well as fertility and mortality of communities.

Because sets of family trees are often hard to come by, the broader kinship network that the family tree describes can be obtained by having survey respondents reconstruct the history of a family’s changing structure by tracing the family’s evolution from the marriage date of a couple to the point where only one member of the family group is still living.

Comparison of the Two Approaches

The distinction between the demographic and genealogical approaches can be illustrated by looking at the time trend in family patterns using various family definitions. In the real, illustrative example I have chosen here family structures are compared based on the demographic concept and three alternative genealogical concepts of the family.

View html full page chart with explanation notes for viewing.

View .xls chart using Excel if you wish to print the chart for reference purposes. In 1984, the second child completes college and returns home while awaiting marriage to someone she's engaged to. The next year, 1985, sees her departure to her own household with the newest extended family member. By 1986 the other child completes college and sets up his own residence in the community. In 1988, financial considerations bring that child back home for a considerable part of the year. The following year, 1989, he departs for professional school. In the same year, the other child has a son and thereby expands the extended family patterns. The family patterns remain the same through the 1990 Census period. In 1991, a daughter is born to complement the son of the one child; and in that same year one of the sisters of the initial couple passes away. When 1995 rolls around, the son has gotten married, adding another extended family member.

In 1999, the son divorces and rejoins the couple. By the time of the 2000 Census, the son has found a new residence in town; and later that year he remarries, thus establishing the earlier extended family sizes. In 2001, the nuclear family as defined by the demographic approach comes to an end as one of the original couple dies. Then, in 2002 the remarried son has a child.

Family Definitional Implications

A scan of the chart shows important differences in family composition according to the various definitions.

First, the nuclear family independent of residence, as revealed in the second column, did not change from 1962 to 2001, a period of 39 years. In contrast, the nuclear family demographically defined remained intact from only 1962 to 1980, a period of 18 years.

Second, according to the genealogical approach, there is still an existent family by 2002, a period of 46 years and counting. In contrast, based on the demographic approach, the family ceases to exist after 2000.

Third, the family as defined by census or survey has been quite variable over time, and some of the changes are due to very short-term stays in the residence. In fact, in one year, 1984, the family structure that was established in 1962 and continued through 1980 is reconstructed.

Fourth, the versions of the extended family shown here are at their smallest size when the family demographically-defined is at its largest size.

One could reasonably argue for any of the family definitions shown here, or for other variants. A point to be made, however, is that the family as defined demographically may not be the definition of the family that most of us think of when we contemplate our own family pattern.